The RepubliBinLaden Tofu Eaters

Resinman

Well-Known Member
We Fight Them Over There…
By Shannara Johnson

… so we don’t have to fight them over here. That sounds good in theory, but recently fate has thrown the Republican party a curveball.

Turns out that a suspected terrorist financier has been an enthusiastic donor to the National Republican Congressional Committee (NRCC), the main political group dedicated to helping the GOP win seats in the House of Representatives.

According to the records of the Federal Election Commission (FEC), New York resident Abdul Tawala Ibn Ali Alishtari, a man indicted last month for financing terrorists in Afghanistan, gave $15,500 to the NRCC between 2002 and 2004.

Alishtari is charged with providing material support to Afghan terrorists as well as money laundering. The indictment states that the defendant was paid to collect and transfer $152,000 between banks—money that was allegedly used to purchase night-vision goggles and other equipment for a terrorist training camp.

As if the GOP donations weren’t embarrassing enough, an online curriculum vitae posted by Alishtari himself claims he was named New York State “Businessman of the Year” in 2003 and 2004 by the NRCC. In a February 16 article, CBS News wryly noted that Alishtari’s purported 2003 nomination coincides with a $13,000 donation to the NRCC in the same year.

Furthermore, his CV also suggests that he was a lifetime member of the National Republican Congressional Committee’s Inner Circle, a group the NRCC calls “an impressive cross-section of American society—community leaders, business executives, entrepreneurs, retirees, and sports and entertainment celebrities—all of whom hold a deep interest in our nation’s prosperity and security.”

Not surprisingly, the NRCC has kept rather quiet about the news. An official statement released to CNN warns “not to rush to judgment as the judicial process moves forward.” However, should Alishtari be found guilty, the statement promises, “it is our intent to donate the money to charity.”

No doubt, money talks. That also seems to have been true in the case of Yasith Chhun, a Cambodian-American member of the NRCC Business Advisory Council until he was indicted for terrorist-related charges in 2005. According to the LA Times, he had raised $6,550 for the NRCC.

Apparently, Chhun’s other fundraising efforts were much more successful. The head of the Cambodian Freedom Fighters was charged with collecting up to $200,000 for the group’s activities and with “attempting to kill the prime minister, attack government buildings and launch small-scale attacks on karaoke bars and fuel depots in an effort to galvanize opposition to the Phnom Penh government.”

NRCC spokesman Carl Forti commented on Chhun’s actions: “At this point, the gentleman hasn’t been convicted of anything. If he is a terrorist, it’s something we need to look at. Clearly, we wouldn’t want any leader of a terrorist organization being members of our business advisory council.”

Whoa, harsh words, Carl.

Some of our longtime readers may also remember a WWNK article titled “The Terrorists Within” from June 2004, in which we wrote about Faisal Gill, a man with proven links to a suspected terrorist. In 2001, Gill had worked with Abdurahman Alamoudi, indicted on 18 counts of terrorist charges, at the American Muslim Council.

Well, maybe it’s not your fault and shouldn’t be such a big deal if you happen to know someone who’s a terrorist supporter. Except that Faisal Gill was policy director of the Department of Homeland Security’s intelligence division—and had conveniently forgotten to mention his association with Alamoudi on his “Standard Form 86” national security questionnaire.

But Alamoudi himself, a fervent supporter of the militant Islamist organizations Hamas and Hezbollah, was not an unknown in Washington, either. In 2003, MSNBC’s Keith Olbermann reported that “The Pentagon chose him to help select Muslim chaplains. He met with President Clinton, made six trips to Muslim nations as a goodwill ambassador for the State Department, met with candidate George Bush.”

Upon Alamoudi’s arrest, his Palm Pilot was found to contain the names and phone numbers of six wanted global terrorists. Apparently, he had been covertly operating in the U.S. for over a decade—during which time he enjoyed immunity from prosecution due to his close connection to the Saudis, as well as to Washington power broker and Council of Foreign Relations member Grover Norquist. [Read the full 2004 article here.]

Which brings us to the question: if we, as the Bush administration says, have to fight any state or organization harboring terrorists, does that mean we should march on Washington D.C.?

Or, in the words of one “senior correspondent” on Comedy Central’s Daily Show: “We need to fight them over here, so we don’t have to fight them… uh… elsewhere.”
 

Resinman

Well-Known Member
WASHINGTON - Republicans could face ethics investigations for contacting U.S. attorneys about pending cases, a jarring political development only four months after ethical lapses helped cost the GOP control of Congress.
http://us.bc.yahoo.com/b?P=M._ro0WTcuqvK1cTRW4p0QcV0RrZl0XvsqYABAyy&T=18t4ufl3f%2fX%3d1173336742%2fE%3d83018124%2fR%3dnews%2fK%3d5%2fV%3d2.1%2fW%3dH%2fY%3dYAHOO%2fF%3d2158485612%2fH%3dY2FjaGVoaW50PSJuZXdzIiBjb250ZW50PSJSZXB1YmxpY2FuO0RlbW9jcmF0aWM7SG91c2U7V2FzaGluZ3RvbjtlbGVjdGlvbjtpdDtjb3JydXB0aW9uO2ZyYXVkOyIgcmVmdXJsPSIiIHRvcGljcz0iIg--%2fQ%3d-1%2fS%3d1%2fJ%3d42719345&U=13a352bsp%2fN%3dKbaoM0LEYpU-%2fC%3d569350.9807549.10816590.1442997%2fD%3dLREC%2fB%3d4423359
Two veteran Republican lawmakers and a top GOP leadership aide contacted prosecutors who later were fired. All three denied wrongdoing.

Democratic-run committees in both the House and Senate are investigating the firings of eight U.S. attorneys. Six of those prosecutors told Congress on Tuesday they felt pressured by the interventions.

The Senate ethics committee already is conducting a preliminary inquiry into the call by Sen. Pete Domenici (news, bio, voting record), R-N.M., to a prosecutor in his state. The action was required once the committee received a complaint against Domenici from a congressional watchdog group.
The House's ethics panel has more discretion on starting an initial inquiry. But Majority Leader Rep. Steny Hoyer (news, bio, voting record), D-Md., said there should be one. Rep. Heather Wilson (news, bio, voting record), R-N.M., contacted the same prosecutor as Domenici.

Edward Cassidy, a top aide to House Republican leader John Boehner (news, bio, voting record) of Ohio and a former ethics committee staff member, contacted a prosecutor in Washington state.

The Senate's ethics manual says Senate offices should refrain from intervening in pending court actions "until the matter has reached a resolution in the courts." The House's version has similar warnings.
Cassidy's case presents a potential conflict for the senior Republican on the House ethics committee, Rep. Doc Hastings (news, bio, voting record) of Washington state. Cassidy was his top aide in his personal office and on the committee.

Hastings normally would play a crucial role in the evenly divided committee, in deciding whether to begin an initial investigation and appointing an investigative subcommittee. He would not comment Tuesday on whether he planned to remove himself from any committee decisions.

Hoyer, a key architect of the Democrats' takeover of the House, expressed no reluctance to jump on the new Republican dilemma.
"When issues are raised in the public sphere, I think the committee has a responsibility on its own, and I would hope they would do that," Hoyer told reporters.

Democrats made GOP ethical misdeeds a major issue in the fall campaign. They singled out former GOP Majority Leader Tom DeLay, the subject of several ethics probes, and were handed a pre-election scandal when it was disclosed that former Rep. Mark Foley, R-Fla., made advances to former male teenage pages.

The firing of eight U.S. attorneys has raised questions about how they are appointed and the circumstances under which they may be dismissed. Last year's renewal of the USA Patriot Act, the Bush administration's prime anti-terror law, contained a provision that abolished limits on how long interim prosecutors may serve.

Democrats have accused the Justice Department of seeking to use the provision to bypass the Senate confirmation process. Legislation has been introduced to reverse that provision.

The fired prosecutor from New Mexico, David Iglesias, told senators he had a brief telephone conversation with Domenici in late October 2006 that ended when Domenici abruptly hung up. Iglesias said he had just told the senator that indictments in a corruption case against Democrats would not be handed down before the November elections
.
Iglesias also said he received a call from Wilson before the election, in which she asked him about sealed indictments — a topic prosecutors cannot discuss. Wilson's question "raised red flags in my head," Iglesias said.
John McKay, the fired U.S. attorney in Seattle, said he stopped Cassidy — the Hastings assistant — from asking him detailed questions about an investigation into the disputed election of Washington state's Democratic Gov. Christine Gregoire in 2004.


Domenici had a much different recollection than Iglesias about his call to the prosecutor.
He said in a statement that Iglesias "confirmed that our conversation was brief and that my words did not threaten him, nor did I direct him to take any course of action. While I recall, as I stated previously, that I asked Mr. Iglesias about timing of the investigation, neither I nor those who overheard my side of the brief conversation recall my mentioning the November election to him."

Wilson said she called the prosecutor after a constituent "with knowledge of ongoing investigations" told her that Iglesias was intentionally delaying corruption prosecutions.

"I called Mr. Iglesias and told him the allegation, though not the source," she said. "Mr. Iglesias denied delaying prosecutions. He said he had very few people to handle corruption cases. I told him that I would take him at his word, and I did. "

She added, "If the purpose of my call has somehow been misperceived, I am sorry for any confusion."

Hastings defended his former aide, saying Cassidy's call was "a simple inquiry and nothing more" about Washington state's close gubernatorial election.
Cassidy called his call to McKay "a routine effort to determine whether allegations of voter fraud in the 2004 gubernatorial election were, or were not, being investigated by federal authorities."
"As the top aide to the chairman of the House ethics committee, I understood the permissible limits on any such conversation," Cassidy said.
 
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